Marianne Garneau argues that the coronavirus pandemic has shown unions to be the most effective institutions at fighting for the public interest
Labor’s last resort: Understanding the boycott strategy
Eric Dirnbach looks at the effectiveness of consumer boycott campaigns in support of worker organizing
Slow and steady building: what got results then and now
Nick Driedger looks back at three storied examples of worker militancy from the 1930s, noting the often overlooked years of underground organizing that made that possible
Activists, not allies: Organizing in a distributed workforce
Bob Barnetson describes a campaign by his faculty association at Athabasca University, a public, higher education distance learning institution in Alberta. During a contract fight, the union made the bold move of just mobilizing members for pickets and not relying on community supporters
Labor law doesn’t advance class struggle, the end
Nick Driedger argues two provocative points: that “the purpose of labor law is to condition non-militant unions into existence” and that “union contracts are a way of creating a tiered labor law for different parts of the workforce.”
Why is it never “class struggle” when Black workers fight back?
Chance Zombor, a grievance representative at Briggs & Stratton in Wisconsin, challenges the resistance to recognizing Black worker activity as class struggle
What does a worker look like?
Nick Driedger and Marianne Garneau argue that union propaganda needs to stop framing workers as victims.
Salt: the flavor, not the meal
MK Lees reflects on the tactic of “salting” into a workplace in order to organize it
Fighting police brutality from the retail shop floor
CF Ivanovic reflects on a time he and his coworkers stood up to management calling the police on community members